PROTEST
AND CHANGE: THE 1960s
In 1960 Norfolk won the National Municipal
League's All-American City Award. Norfolk was praised for the Norfolk
Redevelopment and Housing Authority's (NRHA) projects that replaced
slums with low-rent housing, wider streets, boulevards, and controlled
business and industrial development. Norfolk was also praised for
the planning and building of a second Elizabeth River, Hampton Roads
Bridge, and Chesapeake Bay Bridge tunnels. Acceptance of the award,
however, was marred by protests from the black community that no
African American was invited to the ceremony and from the local
Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) chapter which argued that "Discrimination
and Segregation are not All-American." Two blacks were quickly
invited but protestors called for boycott of the proceedings.
The post-World War II years did not bring immediate
change to the status and rights of African Americans in the South
Hampton Roads area. By 1960 only 23% of the eligible black voters
were registered. This was primarily because of discrimination in
voter registration, initiated since the 1902 Virginia Constitution.
The 24th Amendment, ratified in 1964, abolished the poll tax, and
the 1965 Voting Rights Act expanded that number, but the lingering
effects of voting restrictions resulted in widespread inequities.
In the 1960s the civil rights movement began
a massive application of nonviolent protest tactics which were led
by students utilizing the sit-in method perfected by CORE members.
This student movement came to be known as SNCC (Student Non-Violent
Coordinating Committee). SNCC became a leading mover in the struggle
for social reform, which used the sit-in as a successful method
in desegregating many southern public lunch counters in 1961. Hundreds
were arrested, most of them black students. African Americans in
Hampton Roads arranged sit-ins at Norfolk's Woolworths, Portsmouth's
Mid-City Roses, and numerous other stores. In some cases, the protests
were peaceful marches; in other cases they resulted in violent clashes
between black and white students. These protests continued until
policy changes were made.
The demands of the civil rights movement, however, was not just
for equality in education or public accommodations. Just as importantly,
it was in the area of jobs, politics, and housing. Marches and demonstrations
became the "protest method of choice" by African Americans
challenging segregation and discrimination.
A concurrent issue that was just as volatile
was school desegregation. Virginia had gone through a tumultuous
period beginning on June 7, 1958 when the U.S. District Judge, Walter
E. Hoffman, directed Norfolk's school board to assign 151 African
American applicants to white schools for the coming year. Norfolk
tried to oppose and then delay the order, but on August 29, 17 black
applicants were admitted. Governor J. Lindsay Almond, Jr., the man
who championed school segregation as the attorney general and then
in his 1957 gubernatorial race, closed Norfolk's six white high
schools on September 8 rather than see them integrated. Yet, while
Norfolk's 10,000 white students were out of school, the black students'
schools remained open because no white student applied for admission.
The Reverend John Henderson filed a lawsuit on behalf of these seventeen
students in October. Eventually, Norfolk's city council attempted
to pressure the black community to withdraw the lawsuit by withdrawing
funding for the city's black schools. Ironically, Governor Almond
intervened calling the move "vicious and retalitory."
On January 19, 1959 the issue became moot when the Federal District
Court and the Virginia Supreme Court declared Virginia's massive
resistance policy unconstitutional. On February 2, 1959, seventeen
black students entered the previously all-white schools, facing
prejudice and discrimination but paving the way for city-wide integration
by the 1970s.
This crisis brought a return to the coalition
of black and white citizens, business persons and politicians which
existed during the war years of the 1940s. The coalition was concretized
with perhaps the most momentous event of the struggle against discrimination
and racism: the election of Attorney Joseph A. Jordan, Jr. to Norfolk's
City Council. His election made Jordan the first African American
in the 20th century to win a seat on the council. He eventually
became vice mayor and was, by 1977, appointed as judge on Norfolk's
General District Court. Dr. William P. Robinson, a Norfolk State
professor, was elected to the Virginia House of Delegates in 1969
also becoming the first African American to win that seat in the
20th century. The first African American to achieve the distinction
of being the first in Portsmouth was Dr. James E. Holley, III in
1968. Holley would go on to become Portsmouth's first African American
mayor. These elections, as well as the appointments of prominent
African Americans to the school board, the city planning commission,
heralded the beginnings of changes for African Americans in Norfolk.
It did not, however, signal an end to the struggle. That would be
for the future.
In 1986 the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals
approved an end to school busing for all Norfolk elementary schools
in the case of Riddick v. School Board of the City of Norfolk,
VA. The decision resulted in the creation of all-Black elementary
schools. The Court agreed with the Norfolk school board that racially
separate schools could still comply with the Fourteenth Amendmentl.
According to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, the neighborhood
school program was legal because its intent was not to discriminate;
rather, it was a benign consequence of legitimate educational goals
which included an attempt to stem White flight from Norfolk, to
improve parental involvement in school, and improve Black standardized
scores and academic success. Although Norfolk's School Board promised
to provide greater funding for these re-segregated Black schools,
little has been forthcoming.
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